Friday, 20 May 2011

Syria: 10 days of uncertainty

I returned from a trip to Syria recently.

Given the tense political situation in the country and all the negative publicity, it was decidedly not the best time to visit Syria. Many of you will remember the hesitation I went through before the trip. The choice was not easy, but I eventually gave Syria the benefit of the doubt, said my prayers and boarded a Damascus-bound flight.

And here I am – back in London, not hurt in the slightest and full of impressions to last a lifetime. Many thanks to those who followed my route and photo updates on the Internet. Something this trip made me realise was just how many people cared about a crazy blogger called anjči. I never had doubts my long-term friends would keep in touch; more surprising was that also some contacts I had long considered forgotten suddenly re-appeared in my life, sending encouragement and reconnecting after years of absence.

Long story short, I couldn't imagine that my well-being would be of importance to such a wide circle of people. Thank you all very much; I appreciate unreservedly that you care.


Not as bad as on TV

Public concern surrounding my trip clashed dramatically with my Syrian everyday. I did not run into a single conflict during my 10 days in Syria. The government's security forces may have looked intimidating in the news; personally, however, I did not hear one gunshot in the areas that I visited. I certainly saw plenty of guns carried around, but those were not put to use once in front of my eyes.

Neither did I manage to witness one protest. Albeit disappointed that dramatic photographs were not lining up dutifully at my doorstep, I admit that travelling to the troubled areas would have been stupid at best – if at all possible.


I felt that being a foreigner in Syria was more of an advantage than otherwise. The turmoil was, emphatically, a domestic issue which the Syrian government was not keen to take outside its borders, thus preventing foreign journalists from entering the country and international news agencies from reporting on local events on-site. It was understood though that, if one outsider was hurt, the issue would escalate to the international scene, making foreign involvement almost inevitable. For this reason – and thanks to the genuine hospitality of Syrian people – tourists in Syria were treated reasonably well and could generally move around unrestricted. As long as they were not undercover journalists, of course.

While foreigners in Syria were not targeted by the protesters or the official forces, increased security meant certain inconvenience to travellers. Multiple passport checks accompanied every journey, including a daunting requirement to register with police at every terminal of entry, be it a train station or a mini bus stand. Carrying a document of identification was already a legal obligation in Syria, and the instances of being asked for such became more frequent the longer I stayed.

"What do you mean the road is closed?"

As of late May 2011, the anti-government movement in Syria continues to be localised to certain parts of the country. Having broken out in the southern town of Dara'a two months ago, the protests have gradually spread to the central city of Homs, several non-central neighbourhoods of Damascus, coastal towns of Latakia, Banyas and Tartus, as well as the Kurdish regions bordering Turkey in the northeast. The government forces fought back hard, on many occasions opening live fire on the protesters and killing around 900 people since March 2011.

While cancelling my long-awaited trip was not on the table (I can be remarkably stubborn at times), I tailored the route carefully to avoid trouble. The closest I got to the epicentre of the uprising, Dara'a, was 40 km away, in Busra – a town famous for its Roman amphitheatre and a popular day trip from Damascus. The only indication of reduced government sympathies in Busra was the near absence of President Assad's images, making a stark contrast with the capital where such images were on public display on every surface imaginable. Indeed, the only image of any member of the Assad family I came across in Busra had already been vandalised during earlier protests.





Busra's rebellious stance towards the regime became more obvious on my way back to Damascus. A few minutes into the journey, our bus was refused entry into the highway connecting Dara'a with the capital. It turned out that the authorities had shut the road to prevent the disloyally minded locals from marching on to Damascus.

Facing an unenviable prospect of sitting out the stirrup in a small Syrian town until an undefined date, I made an escape via Suweida together with two French tourists. About 70 km from Damascus, we were stopped by rather explicitly armed security forces for the first passport check of the several that were to follow. Our driver had his Busra-issued documents scrutinised and was sent back: no locals of the areas adjacent to Dara'a were allowed to Damascus, even if merely as drivers for foreign visitors.

We had lost our car, but the soldiers were courteous enough to help us with a lift. One of them promptly hailed a passing car, patted the slightly shocked driver on the shoulder and ordered him to take the "guests" back to Damascus.

Which the driver did. Needless to say without even mentioning compensation.






A "pressing need to stay"? Well...

Following the post I wrote just before travelling to Syria, most of you – parents in particular – were suggesting that I cancel the trip. When I eventually did go to Syria, many people continued persuading me not to linger there and to make a dash for Lebanon instead. This war of opinions intensified the more graphic the news reports on Syria became. I was rather torn apart between those diametrically opposite choices; undecided, I listened carefully.

I was however not ready to leave Syria yet. After having spoken with many locals and reviewed the news, I did not believe the situation in Syria risked changing overnight. Moreover, I had still not seen a sight of danger. I decided to stay – subject to making further revisions of my itinerary.

My next stop was Aleppo, Syria's largest city 400 km north of Damascus. Halfway between the two, I received some breaking news from the UK where the Foreign & Commonwealth Office had freshly revised its travel advice for Syria. Britons were now being advised against travelling to the whole of the country rather than only a handful of areas where the violence was particularly acute. International airlines were still operating scheduled flights from Syria, and the UK government's advice to its citizens was to leave unless they had a "pressing need to stay".

The journey from Damascus to Aleppo was relatively uneventful. I deemed it best not to linger on the Homs-Hama highway though, and skipped Crac de Chevalliers – a medieval castle in the vicinity of Homs and one of Syria's most famous landmarks. With great sadness, I also diverted my steps from the coastal city of Latakia; while the 4-hour train journey from Aleppo had been recommended as exceptionally scenic, I could not risk running into a full-scale demonstration at the other end.


Planning an Aleppo exit

After two days in Aleppo – where I was decidedly a rare tourist in town – and a detour to Deir Samaan historic site, I still had not seen any protests. Time had come to transfer to Palmyra, my next stop.

Normally I would travel to Homs, from where mini buses were departing frequently to Palmyra. As said before, however, the highway leading south was not entirely trouble-free. Segments of the Damascus-Aleppo road were periodically held closed in a way similar to my earlier Busra experience. Moreover, a bus operated by one of Syria's biggest companies, Kadmous, had recently been stopped by a group of protesters who stormed inside, ripped out the President's image in the rear pane and stamped on it in rage. Albeit unhurt, the passengers (one of whom I met randomly in Aleppo and heard this story from) were absolutely terrified.

Even an alternative road would mean problems: the coastal route to Lebanon went through Latakia, Banyas and Tartous, all involved in anti-government uprisings. Syrians near the border were beginning to cross into Lebanon, causing congestion at border control. The route to the "safe haven" was not exactly safe.






Go East, live is peaceful there

So where next? Western news on Syria I was following overnight (the adrenaline in my blood was exceeding all levels of normality, making sleep impossible) looked rather intimidating, even if they clashed with my calm everyday reality. Hearing my mother's trembling voice over Skype, I decided to tread carefully. My third best way back to Damascus (and consequently on to Beirut) was long but safe: first east towards Iraq and then west across the desert via Palmyra.

The town of Deir ez-Zor in Eastern Syria is unlikely to make the itinerary of a rushed explorer. What made it most fascinating though was the river: nothing less than the mighty Euphrates moving towards the Persian Gulf. Seeing one of the world's most important rivers – as well as Lake Assad en-route Deir ez-Zor – surely made up for a forced detour into a stretching desert.

If Aleppo and Damascus featured occasional tourists, in Deir ez-Zor I was decidedly a sole foreigner around. This explains the ceaseless attention – and certain distrust – I received there. Very few public places had wireless internet access; when I tried using one of the painfully slow computers at a central internet café, I was asked to have every page of my passport scanned beforehand. Needless to say that I refrained from posting any radical opinions about the Syrian government that night.






Talk wisely

Speaking openly deserves a detour here. In a country where social networking sites like Facebook had only been allowed since February 2011, the society was not exactly used to expressing controversial opinions. Locals told me they were careful about what personal information they were putting online. Some sources report an estimated eight thousand people to have been detained since the Syrian protests began. My acquaintances in Damascus confirmed that arrests were indeed common: at least 10 of their close friends had been taken under custody recently for expressing dissent with the regime on the internet. Another person I met had his email account blocked for "receiving too many messages from abroad". He was using his brother's email instead.

Freedom of speech was certainly not taken for granted in Syria. Locals I spoke to during my journey were cautious not to be overheard when discussing domestic politics (itself a rare occasion). One Aleppan – a teacher of English and therefore highly useful to non-Arabic speakers like me – insisted on changing location every 10 minutes not to attract attention. I understood that the government's secret police in civilian clothing numbered thousands and were present everywhere – ready to act should someone attempt spreading rebellious messages, speaking against the government or rising up openly in opposition.

Public talk aside, one resident of Damascus told me that the state-owned post company regularly went through the parcels he received from abroad. He had been detained several times and questioned on the origin of his mail.

Syria is a religiously and ethnically divided society. Not everyone expressed dissatisfaction with the current regime. I met surprisingly many people who seemed – or acted – happy with the way things were. Women generally appreciated the apparent safety they associated with security forces. Syrians working in tourism condemned the protesters for "making noise" in the middle of peak tourist season. Christians felt certain protection under Assad's rule. Furthermore, some Kurds I happened to meet sympathised with the President thanks to his earlier promises that the Kurds' once ceased Syrian citizenship be restored.

Despite his portrayal in some Western media as a ruthless adversary to any expression of public dissent, President Assad seemed to be perceived as a reform-friendly figure by a few Syrians. Many agreed that his actions were largely dictated by immediate family members occupying some of Syria's key positions of power. Not even the West can conclude with certainty whether Assad is more of a puppet or really holding the reins of authority. One diplomat once described Syria as a "dictatorship without a dictator"; he might have had a point there.

Back to Damascus

Going back to my journey, I felt somewhat lonely at Dura Europos, a fortress in the middle of the desert 50 km from the Iraqi border. My only company – the guards nearby – poured me some tea and said tourist groups had all but evaporated in the past few weeks.


My final stop was Palmyra, Syria's number one tourist destination. An otherwise unassuming town, Palmyra is world famous for its impressive Roman ruins. It usually gets very busy in peak tourist season. This time, however, the town was quiet, with barely a few tourists around. There were actually more locals around the ruins than foreigners; a few souvenir sellers and camel owners were ceaselessly chasing the visitors.

While I did not mind some peace, the atmosphere was a little sad. The locals sounded disappointed with the protesters' actions causing a sharp decline in tourist numbers and therefore their businesses. Ibrahim, an owner of a popular restaurant, keenly showed me a photo of President Assad visiting Palmyra with Spain's royal couple years ago. The current regime certainly had few opponents in a place like Palmyra.

Even then, I was somewhat scared when local vendors suddenly started shutting down their stores one evening, all drawing towards a central café. I didn't need to worry, however. What looked like a budding revolution merely turned into preparations for a football match between Real Madrid and FC Barcelona. Syria may not be that strong in football on the global scale but remains endlessly loyal to its most popular sport.






Come Thursday, after being stopped by the police to have the photos in my camera checked (I kept quiet about backing up my memory cards daily to avoid trouble), I embarked on the final leg of my journey – to Beirut. Fridays in Syria had become firmly associated with increased protest activity and the resulting crackdowns by the government. All this meant that I was not the only foreigner swapping Syria for Lebanon that Thursday. The diplomatic lane at the Lebanese border certainly looked full.

Goodbye, Syria

After a 2-km stretch of road lined with President Bashar's images, I was finally in Lebanon. I had imagined this moment many times already: how I would hand my passport to the immigration officer, get it swiftly stamped, cast one last look across the border and sigh with relief as the bus would be taking me further and further into safety.

But was Syria really that dangerous? Even though I never felt threatened, my friends' growing concerns about the Syrian situation took their toll. Many of you called me fearless to travel to Syria during the difficult times. I hope I will not disappoint anyone by saying that I, too, was often terrified by the everyday uncertainty on a supposedly relaxing holiday. Even if my fear had been caused by foreign news reports rather than a sight of imminent danger.

Our bus was already approaching Beirut but the long-awaited relief did not come. I suddenly felt sad to have left behind Syria – as well as the wonderfully welcoming people I met there.

I remembered Toufik and Mohammad who wholeheartedly invited me to share a modest meal in their family home in Aleppo after barely a few minutes of acquaintance. Ibrahim in Palmyra who bought me a bus ticket after I ran out of cash. Philip at Souq Al-Hamidiya in Damascus who unearthed an ancient map of Syria to give me some travel advice. Hisham in Aleppo who bought me ice-cream and begged to send him some aloe skin crème from London. Lima, a mother of a cute little girl called Sham who kept me great company on the bus to Hama. Hassan, an engineer in Deir ez-Zor who showed me around town and impressed me with his fluent Serbo-Croatian (he had studied in the former Yugoslavia and was married to a Croatian woman). Marouf, a taxi driver in Damascus who taught me some Kurdish words and spontaneously drove me up Mount Qasiyun "from the heart". Zacharia, a minibus owner Raqqa who introduced me to his entire family and then entertained with some authentic Arabic front-wheel dancing as we drove to Lake Assad.

I met some great people on my way. And the image I will have of Syria will not be a place torn apart by protests and violence. It will be of a country warmly welcoming visitors regardless of its internal problems. This is how I will remember Syria. And I hope to be back one day – back to what might already be a different country by that time.

Inshallah.


~~~~
(
View my photos from Syria here)

















Monday, 16 May 2011

Eurovision 2011: Running Scared?

As I ran towards the North Greenwich Tube station, the familiar chords of Pink Floyd's immortal The Wall seemed to be tracing my every step.

Behind me at O2 Arena, Roger Waters was giving one of his exclusive London concerts – the event for which my tickets had been pre-booked almost a year ahead. After all, Pink Floyd's music was the soundtrack to my childhood; seeing their founding member perform live at one of London's largest venues was supposed to be a real treat.

And yet I was leaving early – leaving because something infinitely more important was awaiting me at home. Most of you will have guessed already. What else but the Eurovision Song Contest 2011?

Before anyone starts cringing in uncontrolled disdain, let me back up. I have been a devoted Eurovision fan since watching the Contest for the first time in 1997, and have seen every single Contest to date. Which numbers 14 years worth of Contests, or exactly one half of my eventful life. Doing something with near religious adherence for half of one's life is no joke.

Besides – music quality aside – the Contest is unique in its highly entertaining political bias. No other show provides a better outlet for regional sympathies and tensions in Europe and beyond.

Which hopefully explains why Roger Waters lost a keen listener a bit early last Saturday night.


It's that time of year again

The 2011 Eurovision Song Contest was interesting in many ways. For a start, it was the first Contest Germany had hosted since its reunification and the third one held on the territory of present day Germany – the last one was held there in 1983. I wasn't even born back then.

Secondly, 2011 marked a change of Eurovision's Executive Supervisor. Famous for his classic words, "Europe has voted", Sweden's Svante Stockselius resigned from the role shortly after last year's Contest after seven years of supervising Europe's musical voting. He has been replaced by Jon Ola Sand – a Norwegian who may not be copying Svante's trademark phrase but at least speaks with a similar accent.

Finally and most notably, this year's Eurovision title was likely also the most contended one in history: the fate of the winning song was not clear until towards the very end of the voting. After several years of top participants leaving others trailing behind minutes into the voting, national result announcements this year kept the audience glued to the screens until the end.

The uneven split of votes is well evident in the varied allocation of the top score "douze-points". If in the last couple of years the winning songs each received a maximum number of 12 points (Germany's Satellite got nine in 2010; Norway's Fairytale as many as 16 a year earlier), 2011 was not so clear cut. The highest number of maximum points (five in total) was awarded to Bosnia and Herzegovina which finished sixth. The second highest (four) went to Italy, ranking second. And the ultimate winner – Azerbaijan – only managed to score three 12-pointers, one of which – from an old ally, Turkey – it had as good as guaranteed anyway.

Azerbaijan's victory may have surprised many and defied a few highly regarded prediction polls. Why were so many European nations suddenly dishing out mid-range votes to a former Soviet republic somewhere in the Caucasus? Other than for the song itself, Running Scared – indeed of laudable Eurovision quality – I humbly theorise that the extra votes for Azerbaijan came from the numerous Turkish diaspora in Europe. After Turkey's Live It Up failed to, well, live up to expectations, European Turks' second best option was to support their closest brother nation. Out comes Azerbaijan; you know the rest.

Money is not always King

In a desperate attempt to improve their once enviable Eurovision performance, the United Kingdom and Ireland both splashed out in order to promote their entries ahead of the Contest. The same formula seemed to have worked last year for Germany, which marched on to pan-European victory after staging a fancy multi-round TV casting show for its national selection.

Having taken care of the promotional side, Europe's two English speaking nations sadly seem to have forgotten all about the actual quality of the songs. Ireland's Lipstick performed by an energetic duet of identical twins, Jedward, was a far cry from the country's previous Eurovision winners. The twins finished eighth – a disappointing result given that Ireland continues to hold the most Eurovision titles to date (a total of seven) but has failed to win the Contest since 1996.

As for the United Kingdom, its overhyped boy band Blue – freshly reunited for the occasion – narrowly undershot the Top 10, finishing 11th. I Can clearly couldn't win support across the Channel; still, the United Kingdom finally seems to have broken out of the loop of systematic bottom-of-the-list Eurovision performances. It is only a shame that it had to work so hard to reach so little.

Ironically, 2011 marked the first year when Azerbaijan did not invest millions in promoting their song, proving that sheer quality and regional support continue to come ahead of zealous promotion.

Haven't we seen them somewhere before?

Several countries returned to Eurovision in 2011 after skipping one or more years. Austria (last seen in 2007) and Hungary (in 2009) both trailed at the lower end of the rankings despite rather deserving entries; it might be that the former imperial allies need to start making new friends in Europe. Another returnee, San Marino (participating for the second time in history after 2008), barely collected a handful of points in Semi-final 1, making one wonder if, frankly, the micro state need to have bothered at all.

The comeback of the year, however, unanimously goes to Italy. Having last participated in 1997, Italy pledged to win the Contest upon its long-awaited return. And while it did not win, Raphael Gualazzi's Madness of Love came a respectable second – hopefully boosting public awareness of Eurovision in Italy and most certainly saving face for the old core of Europe.

As every year, several countries also chose to recycle the previous years' performers. Most obviously, Germany's Lena won the Contest last year; her Bjork-esque Taken by a Stranger was however less successful in taking over Europe's hearts in 2011, finishing 10th. Israel's Dana International – a winner in 1998 – might still have looked a Diva but failed to make it past the Semi-finals. Hats off for Moldova, whose Zdob şi Zdub already represented the country in 2005 but had since added some interesting costume solutions to their performance.

Bosnia and Herzegovina clearly knew what they were doing by sending Dino Merlin as their Eurovision ambassador. Known to non-Balkan circles for having represented his country at Eurovision in 1999, the singer is a real veteran on the music scene of the former Yugoslavia. Not surprisingly, Bosnia and Herzegovina's Love in Rewind scored a top number of 12-point awards (three from elsewhere in former Yugoslavia and two thanks to vast Balkan diaspora in Austria and Switzerland), which best visualises the recognition factor. Having said that, the song, too, was decent.

And the 12 points go to…

There were few surprises as far as voting was concerned. After all, isn't the political bias exactly what we love Eurovision for? First came the so-called "sweet couples": the countries gracefully exchanging 12-point handshakes in Semi-finals and Finals. Namely: Turkey and Azerbaijan (see above), Serbia and Croatia (secretly in love with each other), Romania and Moldova (isn't that the same country, anyway?), Denmark and Sweden (Norway didn't qualify), Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (Slovenia's Maja clearly outscoring Serbia's Nina on certain fronts), and, finally, Ireland and Denmark. The latter is the only one I personally fail to explain; is it that, God forbid, they actually liked each other's music?

As expected, strong support came from the homesick diaspora. Lithuania's "C'est ma vie" did remarkably well in the United Kingdom (receiving 12 points in Semi-final 1) and Ireland (12 points in the Finals) thanks, firstly, to thousands of Lithuanians continuing to sit out the Baltic crisis in those two countries, and secondly, to inheriting votes of the Latvian diaspora after Latvia failed to qualify.

For historic reasons dating back to the early 1990s, many descendants of the former Yugoslavia ended up in Austria and Switzerland; these two countries were responsible for awarding Bosnia and Herzegovina 12 points in the Finals. Similarly, Switzerland awarded 12 points to Serbia (Semi-final 1), Greece gave 10 points to Albania (Semi-final 1), and Italy ranked Romania its top choice (Semi-final 2). One does not need official demographic statistics when there is Eurovision!

Other trends

Following last year's momentary comeback of national languages, it seems that English is yet again stepping forward as Europe's ultimate lingua franca. Only nine of 43 songs were performed entirely in the respective country's language (assuming, of course, that Corsican qualifies as such for France and that Gaelic remains off the table for Ireland), of which only five participated in the Finals. A further nine were bilingual, meaning that as many as 25 songs were in English. The highest ranking song in the national language – Serbia's Čaroban – scored 14th. Indeed a sad trend given the richness of European linguistic heritage.

Going on to the announcement of national results, I noticed a couple of familiar faces among spokespersons. Ukraine's Ruslana and Russia's Dima Bilan won the Contest for their countries in 2004 and 2008, respectively. Past winners aside, most other nations turned the announcement into an undercover beauty show – which added a fresh element to the admittedly over-stretched result announcements.

Final entertainment of the night was reserved for Latvia. Caught in a classic situation facing our ailing Vaterland – namely, being given a say when everything has been determined already without us – Latvia's Aisha played it well. Indeed, her enthusiasm and impromptu live performance of the Italian entry were a welcome change from a series of staple "my-country-speaks-better-German-than-yours" attempts and mandatory compliments on the presenters' appearance. Stefan Raab looking "marvellous"? Give me a break.

Having said all of the above, I did not for one minute regret sacrificing the last few minutes of Roger Waters's performance to Eurovision. The Wall has fallen; Europe is one! Even if we still like our next door neighbour's song better than yours.

Congratulations to Azerbaijan and see you all in Baku in 2012!

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Read my accounts of Eurovision 2009 and Eurovision 2010

Eurovision logo: http://www.eurovision.tv/